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Cablecast and web streaming of program in series
"Conversations with Harold Hudson Channer"
Upcoming Cable
Television/Web Show:
For details of airing see bottom of
page
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WEDNESDAY
MARCH 9, (Click on date
for more information on guests)
GUESTS
(Originally aired 09-11-91)
KWAME TOURE
(A.K.A): STOKLEY CARMICHAL
(1941-1998
R.I.P.)



Pioneer Civil Rights Activist in United States
Pan African Revolutionary
&
VERNON BELLECOURT (RIP)
(1931
–
2007
R.I.P)


American Indian Movement
The United Indian Movement:
&
HANS KOCHLER Ph.D

Professor at the University of Austria
Member
of the Organization of Progress
&
SILAS CERQUEIRA Ph.D

Professor: University of Portugal
Member:
Board of the Gaddafi Prize Committee
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
All Were
Participants in the Seminar & Ceremony
In Awarding the
Gaddafi Prize for Human Rights to the
The
American Indigenous Indian Nations.
Tripoli, Libya June 1991
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The program can be
viewed in its entirety by clicking the you tube link below:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iqrgqNFfzYM
- GADDAFI PRICE FOR HUMAN RIGHT
PARTICIPANTS 1991
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
More about:
Participants in the Seminar and
Award Ceremony upon the occasion of the Country
of Libya bestowing upon the
American Indian Communities the Gaddafi Prize in
Human Rights in the Spring of
1991. Individuals included in the program were:
Kwame Toure (A.K.A. Stokely
Carmichael) - RIP - the veteran Civil Rights leader in
the United States, and a Pan
African Revolutionary; Vernon Bellecourt - RIP - of the
American Indian Movement and The
United Indian Movement: Hans Kochler Ph.D
Professor at the University of
Austria and Member of the Organization of Progress
and Professor Silas Cerqueira of
the University of Portugal and Member of the
Board of the Gaddafi Prize
Committe.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Stokely Carmichael
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Stokely Standiford Churchill Carmichael (June
29,
1941 –
November 15,
1998), also known as Kwame Toure, was a
Trinidadian-American
black activist active in the 1960s
American Civil Rights Movement. He rose to prominence
first as a leader of the
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC,
pronounced "Snick") and later as the "Honorary
Prime Minister" of the
Black Panther Party. Initially an
integrationist, Carmichael later became affiliated with
black nationalist and
Pan-Africanist movements.[1]
Carmichael was born to Adolphus and Mabel Carmichael in
the Port of Spain, Trinidad, on 29th June, 1941.[2]
Adolphos moved his family to the United States in 1943 when
Stokley was two. Carmichael attended the Bronx High School
of Science in New York City and then entered
Howard University in 1960.
[3] It is at Howard where Carmichael was
introduced to SNCC and at Howard where he and his classmate,
Walter P. Carter joined the student organization.
Carmichael graduated, from Howard, with a
bachelor's degree in
philosophy in 1964.[4]
Carmichael participated in the Mississippi Freedom
Summer, serving as a regional director for SNCC workers and
helping to organize the
Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP). He was
deeply disillusioned with the national
Democratic Party when the party refused to seat the
multi-racial MFDP delegation in place of the official
all-white, pro-segregation Mississippi Democratic Party
during
the 1964 Democratic Party National Convention in
Atlantic City, New Jersey.[5]
This incident led him to seek alternative means for the
political empowerment of African-Americans and to become
increasingly influenced by the ideologies of
Malcolm X and
Kwame Nkrumah.
In 1966 Carmichael journeyed to
Lowndes County, Alabama, where he brought together the
county's African-American residents to form the Lowndes
County Freedom Organization (LCFO). The organization was an
effort to form a political party that would bring black
residents of Lowndes — who were a majority in the county,
but held no elected offices and were locked out of local
politics — into power. The organization chose a
black panther as its emblem, ostensibly in response to
the
Alabama
Democratic Party's use of a White Rooster. In the press
the LCFO became known as the "Black Panther Party" – a
moniker that would eventually provide inspiration for the
more-well known
Black Panther Party later founded by
Huey P. Newton and
Bobby Seale in
Oakland, California.[6]
Carmichael often satirically made references to the media's
one-sided renaming of the party:
|
“ |
In Lowndes County, we developed something called the
Lowndes County Freedom Organization. It is a
political party. The Alabama law says that if you
have a Party you must have an emblem. We chose for
the emblem a black panther, a beautiful black animal
which symbolizes the strength and dignity of black
people...Now there is a Party in Alabama called the
Alabama Democratic Party. It is all white. It has as
its emblem a white rooster and the words "white
supremacy - for the right". Now the gentlemen of the
Press, because they're advertisers, and because most
of them are white, and because they're produced by
that white institution, never called the Lowndes
County Freedom Organization by its name, but rather
they call it the Black Panther Party. Our question
is, Why don't they call the Alabama Democratic Party
the "White Cock Party"? It's fair to us...[7] |
” |
While he was in Lowndes, the number of registered black
voters rose from 70 to 2,600 — 300 more than the number of
registered white voters.[8]
Carmichael became chairman of SNCC later in 1966, taking
over from
John Lewis. A few weeks after Carmichael took office,
James Meredith was attacked with a shotgun during his
solitary "March
Against Fear". Carmichael joined
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.,
Floyd McKissick,
Cleveland Sellers and others to continue Meredith's
march. He was arrested once again during the march and, upon
his release, he gave his first "Black
Power" speech, using the phrase to urge
black pride and socio-economic independence:
|
“ |
It is a call for black people in this country to
unite, to recognize their heritage, to build a sense
of community. It is a call for black people to
define their own goals, to lead their own
organizations. |
” |
While Black Power was not a new concept, Carmichael's
speech brought it into the spotlight and it became a
rallying cry for young
African Americans across the country. According to
Stokely Carmichael : "Black Power meant black people coming
together to form a political force and either electing
representatives or forcing their representatives to speak
their needs [rather than relying on established parties][9]
Heavily influenced by the work of
Frantz Fanon and his landmark book
Wretched of the Earth, along with others such as
Malcolm X, under Carmichael's leadership SNCC gradually
became more radical and focused on Black Power as its core
goal and ideology. This became most evident during the
controversial
Atlanta Project in 1966. SNCC, under the local
leadership of Bill Ware, engaged in a voter drive to promote
the candidacy of
Julian Bond for the
Georgia State Legislature in an
Atlanta district. However, unlike previous SNCC
activities — like the 1961
Freedom Rides or the 1964
Mississippi Freedom Summer — Ware excluded Northern
white SNCC members from the drive. Initially, Carmichael
opposed this move and voted it down, but he eventually
changed his mind.[10]
When - at the urging of the Atlanta Project - the issue of
whites in SNCC came up for a vote, Carmichael ultimately
sided with those calling for the expulsion of whites. The
goal was to encourage whites to begin organizing poor white
southern communities while SNCC would continue to focus on
promoting African American self reliance through Black
Power.[11]
Carmichael saw
nonviolence as a tactic as opposed to a principle, which
separated him from moderate civil rights leaders like
Martin Luther King, Jr.. Carmichael became critical of
civil rights leaders who simply called for the
integration of African Americans into existing
institutions of the
middle class mainstream. Carmichael believed that in
order to genuinely integrate, Blacks first had to unite in
solidarity and become self-reliant.
|
“ |
Now, several people have been upset because we’ve
said that integration was irrelevant when initiated
by blacks, and that in fact it was a subterfuge, an
insidious subterfuge, for the maintenance of white
supremacy. Now we maintain that in the past six
years or so, this country has been feeding us a
"thalidomide drug of integration," and that some
Negroes have been walking down a dream street
talking about sitting next to white people; and that
that does not begin to solve the problem; that when
we went to Mississippi we did not go to sit next to
Ross Barnett; we did not go to sit next to
Jim Clark; we went to get them out of our way;
and that people ought to understand that; that we
were never fighting for the right to integrate, we
were fighting against white supremacy. Now, then, in
order to understand white supremacy we must dismiss
the fallacious notion that white people can give
anybody their freedom. No man can give anybody his
freedom. A man is born free. You may enslave a man
after he is born free, and that is in fact what this
country does. It enslaves black people after they’re
born, so that the only acts that white people can do
is to stop denying black people their freedom; that
is, they must stop denying freedom. They never give
it to anyone.[7] |
” |
According to Bearing the Cross (1986),
David J. Garrow's
Pulitzer Prize winning book about the
Civil Rights movement, a few days after Carmichael used
the "Black Power" slogan at the "Meredith March Against
Fear," he reportedly told King, "Martin, I deliberately
decided to raise this issue on the march in order to give it
a national forum and force you to take a stand for Black
Power." King responded, "I have been used before. One more
time won't hurt."
In 1967, Carmichael stepped down as chairman of SNCC and
was replaced by
H. Rap Brown. The SNCC, which was a collective and, in
keeping with the spirit of the times, worked by group
consensus rather than hierarchically, was displeased with
Carmichael's celebrity status. SNCC leaders had begun to
refer to him as "Stokely Starmichael" and criticize his
habit of making policy announcements independently, before
achieving internal agreement, and gave him a formal letter
of expulsion in 1967.[12]
There is some speculation around Carmichael’s reasoning for
stepping down from the chairman position of SNCC. According
to his personal narratives, Carmichael witnessed African
American demonstrators being beaten and shocked with cattle
prods by the police. Witnessing the helplessness of people
so fully committed to the non-violent approach gave
Carmichael a new perspective, one which condoned the use of
violent techniques against the brutality of the racist
police force. Carmichael’s new tactics sought to reciprocate
the fear instilled in African Americans by the police force.
[13] which led to the creation of the militant
social group known as “The Black Panthers.”
After his time with the SNCC, Carmichael attempted to
clarify his politics by writing the book Black Power
(1967) with
Charles V. Hamilton and became a strong critic of the
Vietnam War. During this period he traveled and lectured
extensively throughout the world; visiting
Guinea,
North Vietnam,
China, and
Cuba. After his expulsion from the SNCC, Carmichael
became more clearly identified with the Black Panther Party
as its "Honorary Prime Minister."[12]
During this period he became more of a speaker than an
organizer, traveling throughout the country and
internationally advocating for his vision of "black power."[14]
Carmichael joined
Martin Luther King Jr. in New York on April 15, 1967 to
share his views with protesters on race in terms of the war
in Vietnam.[15]
|
“ |
The draft exemplifies as much as racism the
totalitarianism which prevails in this nation in the
disguise of consensus democracy. The President has
conducted war in Vietnam without the consent of
Congress or the American people, without the consent
of anybody except maybe Lady Bird. |
” |
However, Carmichael soon began to distance himself from
the Panthers. The Panthers and Carmichael disagreed on
whether white activists should be allowed to help the
Panthers. The Panthers believed that white activists could
help the movement, while Carmichael thought as Malcolm X,
saying that the white activists needed to organize their own
communities first. In 1969, he and his then-wife, the
South African singer
Miriam Makeba, moved to
Guinea-Conakry where he became an aide to Guinean
prime minister
Ahmed Sékou Touré and the student of exiled
Ghanaian President
Kwame Nkrumah.[16]
Makeba was appointed Guinea's official delegate to the
United Nations.[17]
Three months after his arrival in Africa, in July 1969, he
published a formal rejection of the Black Panthers,
condemning the Panthers for not being
separatist enough and their "dogmatic party line
favoring alliances with white radicals".[8]
It was at this stage in his life that Carmichael changed
his name to Kwame Ture to honor the African leaders Nkrumah
and Touré who had become his patrons. At the end of his
life, friends still referred to him interchangeably by both
names, "and he doesn't seem to mind."[12]
Carmichael remained in Guinea after separation from the
Black Panther Party. He continued to travel, write, and
speak out in support of international leftist movements and
in 1971 collected his work in a second book Stokely
Speaks: Black Power Back to Pan-Africanism. This book
expounds an explicitly
socialist,
Pan-African vision, which he seemingly retained for the
rest of his life. From the late 1970s until the day he died,
he answered his phone by announcing "Ready for the
revolution!"[8]
While in Guinea, he was arrested one more time. Two years
after Touré's death in 1984, the
military regime which took his place arrested Carmichael
and jailed him for three days on suspicion of attempting to
overthrow the government. Despite common knowledge that
President Touré engaged in torture of his political
opponents, Carmichael had never criticized his namesake.[8]
Carmichael and Makeba separated in 1973. After they
divorced, he entered a second marriage with Marlyatou Barry,
a Guinean doctor whom he also divorced. By 1998, his second
wife and their son, Bokar, born in 1982, were living in
Arlington, Virginia. Relying on a statement from the
All-African Peoples Revolutionary Party, his 1998
obituary in the
New York Times referenced two sons, three sisters, and
his mother as survivors but without further details.[8]
After two years of treatment at the Columbia-Presbyterian
Medical Center in New York, he died of
prostate cancer at the age of 57 in
Conakry,
Guinea. He claimed that his cancer "was given to me by
forces of American imperialism and others who conspired with
them."[8]
He claimed that the
FBI had introduced the cancer to his body as an attempt
at
assassination.[18]
After his diagnosis in 1996,
benefits were held in Denver; New York; Atlanta;[2]
and Washington, D.C.,[12]
to help defray his medical expenses; and the government of
Trinidad and Tobago, where he was born, awarded him a
grant of $1,000 a month for the same purpose.[2]
In 2007, the publication of previously secret
Central Intelligence Agency documents revealed that
Carmichael had been tracked by the CIA as part of their
surveillance of black activists abroad, which began in 1968
and continued for years.[19]
In a final interview given to the
Washington Post, he spoke with contempt for the
economic and electoral progress made during the past thirty
years. He acknowledged that blacks had won election to major
mayorships, but stated that the power of mayoralty had been
diminished and that such progress was essentially
meaningless.[20]
Stokely Carmichael is credited with coining the phrase "institutional
racism", which is defined as a form of racism that
occurs in institutions such as public bodies and
corporations, including universities. In the late 1960s
Carmichael defined "institutional racism" as "the collective
failure of an organization to provide an appropriate and
professional service to people because of their color,
culture or ethnic origin".[21]
Civil rights leader
Jesse Jackson gave a speech celebrating Carmichael's
life, stating: "He was one of our generation who was
determined to give his life to transforming America and
Africa. He was committed to ending racial apartheid in
our country. He helped to bring those walls down".[22]
In
2002, scholar
Molefi Kete Asante listed Stokely Carmichael on his list
of
100 Greatest African Americans.[23]
-
^
Stokely Carmichael, King Encyclopedia, The
Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education
Institute, Stanford University. Accessed 20 November
2006.
- ^
a
b
c
"Stokely Carmichael Biography" Accessed June 27,
2007.
-
^
"Stokely Carmichael". Spartucus International.
http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/USAcarmichael.htm.
Retrieved on 2009-04-25.
-
^
Kaufman, Michael (1998-11-16).
"Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined 'Black
Power,' Dies at 57". New York Times.
http://www.interchange.org/Kwameture/nytimes111698.html.
Retrieved on 2009-04-25.
-
^
[1], Britannica on "Black Power". Accessed 24
February 2007.
-
^
[2], H.K. Yuen Social Movement Archive. Accessed
24 February 2007.
- ^
a
b
[3], Stokely Carmichael, "Black Power" speech.
Accessed 17 March 2007.
- ^
a
b
c
d
e
f
"Stokely Carmichael, Rights Leader Who Coined 'Black
Power,' Dies at 57" November 16, 1998,
New York Times. Accessed March 27, 2008.
-
^ Stokely Carmichael, King Encyclopedia, The
Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education
Institute, Stanford University. Accessed 20 November
2006
-
^
Atlanta in the Civil Rights Movement
-
^
[4], James Forman, "The Making of Black
Revolutionaries" xvi - xv (2d ed. 1997). Accessed 17
March 2007.
- ^
a
b
c
d "The Undying Revolutionary:
As Stokely Carmichael, He Fought for interracial
relationships. Now Kwame Ture's Fighting For His
Life," by Paula Spahn, April 8, 1998,
Washington Post p. D 1. Accessed via online
cache June 27, 2007.
-
^ , Stokely Carmichael, King Encyclopedia, The
Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education
Institute, Stanford University. Accessed 20 November
2006,
-
^
[5], Charlie Cobb, From Stokely Carmichael to
Kwame Ture. Accessed 17 March 2007.
-
^
"Protests - Events of 1967 - Year in Review".
United Press International. 1967. pp. 15.
http://www.upi.com/Audio/Year_in_Review/Events-of-1967/Protests/12303074818188-15/.
Retrieved on 2009-03-26.
-
^
[6], NY Times "Ready for Revolution" Book
review. Accessed 17 March 2007.
-
^
"Miriam Makeba" undated biography at
Answers.Com. Accessed June 27, 2007.
-
^
Statement of Kwame Ture undated between 1996
diagnosis and 1998 death. Accessed June 27, 2007.
-
^
"Some Examples of CIA Misconduct", June 26, 2007
Associated Press report published in the
Washington Post. AP report also published same
date
here in the
New York Times. Accessed June 27, 2007.
-
^
Span, Paula (8 Apr.), "The Undying Revolutionary: As
Stokely Carmichael, He Fought for Black Power. Now
Kwame Ture's Fighting For His Life", The
Washington Post: D01
-
^ Richard W. Race,
Analyzing ethnic education policy-making in England
and Wales (PDF), Sheffield Online Papers in
Social Research, University of Sheffield, p.12.
Accessed 20 June 2006.
-
^
Black Panther Leader Dies, BBC, November 16,
1998. Accessed 20 June 2006.
-
^ Asante, Molefi Kete (2002). 100 Greatest
African Americans: A Biographical Encyclopedia.
Amherst, New York. Prometheus Books.
ISBN 1-57392-963-8.
- Carmichael, Stokely, et al. Ready for Revolution:
The Life and Struggles of Stokely Carmichael (Kwame
Ture). Scribner 2005, 848 pages.
ISBN 0-684-85004-4.
- Carmichael, Stokely, et al. Black Power: The
Politics of Liberation. Vintage; Reissue edition
1992, 256 pages.
ISBN 0-679-74313-8.
- Carmichael, Stokely, et al. Stokely Speaks: Black
Power Back to Pan-Africanism. Random House 1971, 292
pages.
ISBN 0-394-46879-1.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Kwame
Ture
( Stokeley
Carmichael )
1941-1998
Kwame Ture was
born of working class parents in Port-of-Spain, Trinidad on
November 15, 1941. When he was seven years old, he migrated to
New York City with his parents, and four sisters.. Ture was a
brilliant student who excelled at the prestigious Bronx High
School of Science, from which he graduated in 1960.
From 1960-1964
Kwame Ture studied philosophy at Howard University. At Howard
he was exposed to some of the best minds in the African-American
community, studying with such authors as the poet and
folklorist, Sterling Brown, and the sociologist and editor,
Nathan Hare.
This was
period of powerful and creative social activism for
African-Americans, and Howard University was one of its
centers. The university had been the site of the NAACP's
preparations and moot court arguments for the pivotal Brown v.
Topeka Board case before the Supreme Court in 1954, and there
was a strong human rights tradition among the faculty and
student body.
Howard was the
seat of the Non-Violent Action Group (NAG), a militant city-wide
student protest organization that attacked racism in
Washington, DC, rural Maryland and Delaware, where it was as
virulent as in the deep south. As the leader of NAG, Ture
brought the organization into an affiliation with SNCC
(pronounced "snick,") the Student Non-Violent Coordinating
Committee. The young people of SNCC had established their
organization as the most militant of the civil rights groups in
the south through such courageous tactics as the sit-in which
defied the laws of segregation by taking black people into
places
that were forbidden to
them.
Kwame Ture's
theoretical acumen, oratorical gifts and dauntless courage soon
brought him to the leadership of SNCC. Shortly after leaving
Howard in 1964, he and other NAG members joined SNCC in a
"summer of action" in Mississippi, the state which had earned
the reputation as the home of the most murderous white
supremacists. Ture was then named regional coordinator of SNCC
projects in the Mississippi delta, where he organized the voter
registration of a people who had been denied the franchise since
the end of Reconstruction.
1964 also was
the year of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, (FDP). The
Democratic Party of Mississippi refused to accept
African-American delegates to the national convention that year
though the FDP candidates had met every legal and procedural
standard impeccably. FDP's challenge at the
convention was irrefutably
sound but the National Democratic Party defied every
parliamentary rule and seated the all-white Mississippi
delegation. The FDP remained a powerful force however,
registering thousands of black Mississippians.
Kwame Ture was
elected Chairman of SNCC in 1966, the year of the great march in
Mississippi that was in support of James Meredith, who had been
turned away from a court-ordered admission to the University of
Mississippi Law School. The slogan, "Black Power" was the
rallying cry of that March and Kwame Ture
was its primary exponent.
As the
Chairman of SNCC, Ture was frequently asked to speak on campuses
around the nation. His sharp intellect and persuasive speaking
style enabled him to be a major influence on students and others
who heard him. He also was a featured speaker at the major
peace rallies of time, for he was an implacable foe of the
American involvement in the Vietnam War.
A project for
which Ture was field organizer was the Lowndes County (Alabama)
Freedom Organization. It was during this project that the black
panther symbol was first displayed which inspired Huey Newton
and other California activists to organize the Black Panther
Party. Ture worked closely with the Panthers and briefly served
as their Chairman.
Kwame Ture had
long been interested in Pan-Africanism, and was a serious
student of the writings of the movement's leaders, particularly
those of the post-colonial heads of state, Julius Nyerere of
Tanzania, Guinea's Sekou Toure, and Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana. His
name combines the first name of Nkrumah and the last name of
Sekou Toure, both of whom he had the honor of working with,
serving for a time as Nkrumah's secretary.
In 1968, he
married the great South African singer, Miriam Makeeba.
His work with
Nkrumah and Toure led him to found the All-African People's
Revolutionary Party whose chairman he remained until his death.
In his unflagging efforts to forge a diasporan coalition of
African peoples who could stand against imperialism and
exploitation, Ture attempted to develop unified social and
economic ideology. His study of the writings of the Marxists
and of the principles of African socialism led him to scientific
socialism, which he advocated for the last thirty years of his
life.
Unlike most of
the radical activists of the '60's, Kwame Ture never
compromised. His was a voice that would accept nothing less
than true empowerment for his people even if that meant the
dismantling of the
international order that
hoards the world's resources and keeps most of its people down.
He was especially unforgiving of American capitalism, which he
saw as the greatest oppressor on Earth.
Even after his
body weakened under assault of prostate cancer, his spirit never
faltered and his commitment never flagged. To the end he worked
to bring the various elements of the African-American community
into coalition. To the end he answered the telephone, "ready for
the revolution."
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Vernon Bellecourt
Vernon Bellecourt, Indian name WaBun-Inini, (October
17,
1931 –
October 13,
2007)[1]
was a member of the
White Earth Band of Ojibwe (located in
Minnesota), and a
Native American rights activist. In the
Ojibwe language his name meant "Man of Dawn."[1]
[2]
Bellecourt lived on the
White Earth Indian Reservation until he was sixteen when
his family moved to Minneapolis. When Bellecourt was
nineteen he spent time in
St. Cloud prison for robbing a Saint Paul tavern.[3]
When Bellecourt was released he became a hairdresser and
proceeded to open a series of beauty salons in Saint Paul.[3][4]
In the mid 1960s he sold his business and moved his family
out to near
Aspen, Colorado.[4]
Bellecourt was a long time leader in the
American Indian Movement. His brother,
Clyde Bellecourt, helped found AIM as a militant group
in 1968, and Vernon soon became involved as well. He
co-founded the AIM chapter in
Denver, and was its first Executive Director.
Bellecourt took part in the 1972
Trail of Broken Treaties caravan, then served as a
negotiator during
AIM's occupation of the
Bureau of Indian Affairs, which took place followng the
caravan's arrival in Washington, D.C. Bellecourt was present
briefly during the 1973
Wounded Knee occupation in
South Dakota, serving mostly as an AIM spokesman and
fundraiser during the 71-day standoff with federal agents.
After Wounded Knee, Bellecourt worked with the
International Indian Treaty Council, which advocates on
behalf of Indigenous rights throughout the
Western Hemisphere. He became a leader of AIM’s work
abroad, meeting with foreign leaders like
Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua,
Muammar al-Gaddafi of Libya, and
Palestine Liberation Organization chairman
Yasser Arafat.[3]
Bellecourt was active for many years in the campaign to
free AIM activist
Leonard Peltier, who was convicted in 1977 of killing
two FBI agents during a 1975 shootout on the
Pine Ridge Reservation.
As president of the National Coalition on Racism in
Sports and Media, Bellecourt played a leading role in the
struggle to end the use of American Indian
nicknames, in American sports. Bellecourt fought against
nicknames such as the
Washington Redskins,
Atlanta Braves or
Kansas City Chiefs. He was arrested twice in Cleveland
in protest of the
Cleveland Indians's
mascot,
Chief Wahoo. During the
1997 World Series Bellecourt was arrested for setting
fire to a stuffed doll of Chief Wahoo while protesting
outside of
Jacobs Field. Charges against him were dropped.[5]
Bellecourt was again arrested in 1998 but was not charged.
In August 2007, Bellecourt accepted an invitation from
the Venezuelan government to attend the First International
Congress of Anti-imperialist Indigenous Peoples of America
and visited with President
Hugo Chavez in
Venezuela. The two discussed the possibility of Chavez
providing aid to Native American groups. According to his
brother, Clyde, Bellecourt fell ill soon after the trip and
was hospitalized. He died of
pneumonia at age 75, in
Minneapolis, where he lived.[2]
- ^
a
b
"AIM Leader Vernon Bellecourt Dies at 75".
AP.
http://ap.google.com/article/ALeqM5iJxB-9AliRGcw5gKuYnJiiIhWWqAD8S8Q4R80.
Retrieved on 2007-10-13.
- ^
a
b
"Native Amer. Activist Bellecourt Dies, 75".
2007-10-14.
http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2007/10/14/national/main3365284.shtml.
Retrieved on 2007-10-14.
- ^
a
b
c
Rosenblum, Gail; Levy, Paul (2007-10-15), "Vernon
Bellecourt: A lifetime of protest", Star
Tribune: A1,
ISSN
0895-2825,
http://www.startribune.com/462/story/1484502.html,
retrieved on 2007-10-16
- ^
a
b
De Leon, David (1994).
Leaders from the 1960s: A Biographical Sourcebook of
American Activism. Greenwood Press. pp. 29.
ISBN 0313274142.
http://books.google.com/books?id=M5O66-pLg_MC&pg=PA29&dq=%22vernon+bellecourt%22&sig=3mumlPAJPBU6BFDrj0vGq7BUKbk#PPA29,M1.
-
^
"Ohio v. Vernon Bellecourt, et al.". Court TV.
http://www.courttv.com/archive/verdicts/bellecourt.html.
Retrieved on 2007-10-15.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Vernon Bellecourt: A lifetime of
protest
The activist, who died
Saturday, was a major player in a tense, pivotal
time in American Indian
history.
By Gail Rosenblum and
Paul Levy, Star Tribune staff writers
As a youngster, Vernon Bellecourt heard stories of how
the people of his northern
Minnesota White Earth reservation lost
their land to unscrupulous
whites at the turn of the 20th
century and suffered profound poverty
as a result. His life would be
different, he decided.
And it was for a while. He opened a
chain of successful hair salons in
St. Paul, then moved to Denver to sell
real estate. "I was going to
become a millionaire," he told the
Star Tribune in 1999.
But his younger brother, Clyde, who
stayed in Minnesota and became
an activist, changed that. "I'm trying
to win back the land," Clyde told
Vernon, "and you're selling it."
Vernon Bellecourt soon came home for
good.
The self-proclaimed "freedom fighter"
and longtime leader of the
American Indian Movement (AIM) died
Saturday at Abbott
Northwestern Hospital in Minneapolis
of complications from
pneumonia, said Clyde Bellecourt. He
was 75.
Vernon Bellecourt once said that the
American Indian Movement, an
often controversial group that led a
series of high-profile, sometimes
violent protests in the 1970s, was
"respected by many, hated by
some, but ... never ignored." The
same might have been said for him.
He spent most of his life protesting,
often drawing criticism for the
form it took, sometimes from within
the Indian protest movement
itself.
"He was very articulate in expressing
the view that American Indians
have not been adequately recognized
and remembered in history, or
adequately dealt with as political
entities in these United States,"
said Laura Waterman Wittstock, who
met Bellecourt in 1970 when
she was a reporter with the American
Indian Press Association and
he was representing AIM.
Takes cause abroad
While Clyde focused on the home front,
Vernon became a leader of
AIM's work abroad, meeting with
controversial leaders such as
Nicaragua's Daniel Ortega, Libya's
Moammar Gadhafi and Palestinian
leader Yasser Arafat. As recently as
four weeks ago, he was in
Venezuela to talk with President Hugo
Chavez about his program for
providing heating assistance to
American Indian tribes.
Most pressing in recent years was his
fight against the use of Indian
mascots and symbols for sports teams,
such as the Washington
Redskins and Cleveland Indians. He was
arrested before Game 5 of
the 1997 World Series for burning
Cleveland's red-faced logo outside
Jacobs Field, and he protested in
Atlanta at Braves playoff games
throughout the 1990s.
"Because of Vernon and other
activists, fewer students in this country
will have to tolerate this problem
when they go to school," said
Brenda Child, associate professor of
American Indian studies at the
University of Minnesota.
"I don't think a lot of people in the
Indian community thought there
would be this kind of success in the
mascot campaign," said Robert
Warrior, author of "Like a Hurricane:
American Indian Activism From
Alcatraz to Wounded Knee" and an
English professor at the
University of Oklahoma in Norman.
While AIM succeeded in raising
Americans' consciousness of Indian
issues, it also participated in a
number of events that featured
violence and internal dissension.
"When you look at AIM actions ...
mistakes were made and there are
numerous criticisms [of their
actions] and many of them are fair,"
Warrior said. "But what you see Vernon
and the other AIM leaders
doing was work that other native
organizations were not doing. ...
They were reaching out and trying to
respond to the needs of people
whose needs were not being met."
Bellecourt grew up on the White Earth
reservation. "Although we all
lived in poverty, we lived a better
life than most people," he told the
Star Tribune in 1999.
He was a disciplined student who
learned his prayers from the
Catholic nuns of St. Benedict's
parochial school in White Earth. But
the lessons in life he learned were
not always pleasant.
"To this day, I can't stand the smell
of Lifebuoy soap, because a racist
teacher shoved a whole bar of it in
my mouth," he recalled.
In Minneapolis, where the family moved
when he was 16, Bellecourt
quit school. After a series of odd
jobs, he was convicted of robbing a
bar in St. Paul and sentenced to St.
Cloud prison when he was 19.
Opens beauty salon
There, he learned how to be a barber.
When he was released, he went
to beauty school to become a
hairdresser. He opened Mr. Vernon
beauty salons in Highland Park and on
the East Side of St. Paul.
Married and already the father of
three children, he built a house in
White Bear Lake. "I thought I had
really made it."
In the mid-1960s, Vernon sold his
salons and moved his family to
Colorado, where he styled hair part
time and skied on his days off. He
moved to Denver to sell real estate
before returning to Minneapolis.
Around that time, Clyde responded to
Indian reports of police
brutality by joining Dennis Banks,
Harold Good Sky and George
Mitchell to form AIM in a storefront
office on E. Franklin Avenue.
Vernon's journey down "the Red Road"
of Indian spiritual awareness
led him to an array of causes and
confrontations. In 1972, he was an
AIM spokesman when 400 Indians
occupied the U.S. Bureau of Indian
Affairs headquarters in Washington.
In 1973, as AIM's national
director, he addressed the United
Nations in New York, pleading for
protection of Indian rights.
In January 1973, Bellecourt was one of
several AIM members indicted
after a riot at the courthouse in
Custer, S.D. Charges were dropped.
Later that winter, AIM members
occupied the historic hamlet of
Wounded Knee, S.D., for 71 days.
Bellecourt got the news of the
occupation from a TV broadcast while
visiting Dartmouth College in
New Hampshire. He continued his
lecture tour, reasoning that he
could serve the protest occupation
better by drumming up support
from off the reservation.
In the years that followed, AIM was
plagued by disputes among
leaders with ideological differences,
including the Bellecourts,
Russell Means and Dennis Banks. The
disputes did not, however, dim
Bellecourt's passion for activism on
behalf of his people.
"When the American Indian Movement
resurfaced in Minneapolis in
1968, a wildfire spread throughout
other urban and reservation
areas," he said in 1999. "It was a
catalyst for people to understand
that the roots of our tree of life
had almost withered and died.
"Now, I'm very concerned about the
cycles of alcohol and chemical
dependency that, in many cases, we
ourselves have perpetuated to
our youth. What we pass on to the
children will determine very
critically to our future.
"We've got to stop killing ourselves,
and we've got to speak out
against others, those who take
advantage of us."
Gerald Vizenor, who taught Native
American Studies at the University
of Minnesota in the late 1970s and
early 1980s, said Bellecourt
"worked very hard to become a
knowledgeable and sensitive leader
for native people." Vizenor, now
professor of American Studies at the
University of New Mexico, recalled
Bellecourt's recent attempts to
appreciate contemporary American
Indian art, by attending openings
and "trying to talk to artists about
what they were thinking. I was
quite moved by that."
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Al-Gaddafi International Prize for Human Rights
kipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Al-Gaddafi International
Prize for Human Rights is an annual prize founded by and
named after
Libyan leader
Muammar al-Gaddafi. It was establishd by its namesake
along with Swiss globalisation critic
Jean Ziegler.[1]
The Al-Gaddafi International
Prize for Human Rights was established in 1988 by Muammar
al-Gaddafi who initially granted 10 million
US$ to the
Swiss-based foundation
North-South which awards the prize. According to its
website, the prize is awarded to one of the "international
personalities, bodies or organizations that have
distinctively contributed to rendering an outstanding human
service and has achieved great actions in defending human
rights, protecting the causes of freedom and supporting
peace everywhere in the world."[2]
The sum of the prize money is US$250,000 (in case of several
recipients the prize money is shared).
The
Libyan Posts (GPTC
General Posts and Telecommunications Company) dedicated
a
postage stamps issue to Ghadafi Prize for Human
Rights in 1994 (date of issue December 31st). The issue
consists of a minisheet with sixteen stamps.[3]
Each horizontal strip of four stamps is dedicated to a
particular subject:
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
American Indians,
in Libya, Receive Prize From Qaddafi
AP
Published: Wednesday,
June 12, 1991
American Indians have traveled to Libya in defiance of
United States restrictions to
pick up
a $250,000 prize from Col.
Muammar el-Qaddafi to honor their "struggle
for
freedom."
Colonel Qaddafi, the Libyan leader,
did not attend the ceremony, on
Monday night, which was used to
criticize the "imperialist policies"
of the United States, Israel and the
West.
Mohawks, Chippewas, Dakota Sioux and
Choctaws, some wearing
feather war bonnets, joined
indigenous people from Canada, Mexico,
Chile, Bolivia and Panama to receive
the "Qaddafi International Prize
on Human Rights."
The 21 representatives of North and
South American tribes said the
$250,000 would go into a fund for all
Indian nations.
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